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Jeffrey and Newacheck, "Role of Insurance for Children with Special Health Care Needs" (see note 31); Newacheck, Inkelas, and Kim, "Health Services Use and Health Care Expenditures for Children with Disabilities" (see note 41). Homer and others, "A Review of the Evidence for the Medical Home for Children with Special Health Care Needs," Pediatrics 122, no. Homer and others, "A Review of the Evidence for the Medical Home for Children with Special Health Care Needs" (see note 43). Stevens and others, "Disparities in the National Prevalence of a Quality Medical Home for Children with Asthma," Academic Pediatrics 9, no. Kuhlthau and others, "Evidence for Family-Centered Care for Children with Special Health Care Needs: A Systematic Review," Academic Pediatrics 11, no. Stevens and others, "Disparities in the National Prevalence of a Quality Medical Home for Children with Asthma" (see note 45). Szilagyi and others, "Improved Health Care among Children with Special Health Care Needs after Enrollment" (see note 32); Szilagyi and others, "Improved Asthma Care after Enrollment" (see note 33); P. Kuhlthau and others, "Who Cares for Medicaid-Enrolled Children with Chronic Conditions? Swigonski, "Impact of the Oregon Health Plan on Children with Special Health Care Needs," Pediatrics 107, no. Szilagyi and others, "Improved Health Care among Children with Special Health Care Needs after Enrollment" (see note 32); Szilagyi and others, "Improved Asthma Care after Enrollment" (see note 33); Houtrow and others, "Preventive Health Care for Children with and without Special Health Care Needs" (see note 38); Stevens and others, "Disparities in the National Prevalence of a Quality Medical Home for Children with Asthma" (see note 45). Brockwood, "Using Existing Population-Based Data Sets to Measure the American Academy of Pediatrics Definition of Medical Home for All Children and Children with Special Health Care Needs," Pediatrics 113, no. Szilagyi and others, "Improved Health Care among Children with Special Health Care Needs after Enrollment" (see note 32). McInerny and others, "Uninsured Children with Psychosocial Problems: Primary Care Management," Pediatrics 106, no. Kogan and others, "A National Profile of the Health Care Experiences and Family Impact of Autism Spectrum Disorder among Children in the United States, 2005­2006," Pediatrics 122, no. Coiro, "Childhood Functional Status, Family Stressors, and Psychosocial Adjustment among School-Aged Children with Disabilities in the United States," Archives of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine 157, no. Witt and others, "The Impact of Childhood Activity Limitations on Parental Health, Mental Health, and Workdays Lost in the United States," Academic Pediatrics 9, no. Szilagyi and others, "Improved Health Care among Children with Special Health Care Needs after Enrollment" (see note 32); Szilagyi and others, "Improved Asthma Care after Enrollment" (see note 33). Szilagyi, "Managed Care for Children" (see note 10); Huffman and others, "Impact of Managed Care on Publicly Insured Children" (see note 10); Jeffrey and Newacheck, "Role of Insurance for Children with Special Health Care Needs" (see note 31); A. Galbraith and others, "High-Deductible Health Plans" (see note 11); Johnson and Wegner, "HighDeductible Health Plans" (see note 11). Jeffrey and Newacheck, "Role of Insurance for Children with Special Health Care Needs" (see note 31). Newacheck and others, "Access to Health Care for Children with Special Health Care Needs" (see note 30). Szilagyi, "Managed Care for Children" (see note 10); Szilagyi, "Care of Children with Special Health Care Needs" (see note 12). Jeffrey and Newacheck, "Role of Insurance for Children with Special Health Care Needs" (see note 31); P. Kim, "A National Profile of Health Care Utilization and Expenditures for Children with Special Health Care Needs," Archives of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine 159, no. Cylus and others, "Pronounced Gender and Age Differences Are Evident in Personal Health Care Spending per Person," Health Affairs (Millwood) (2010) content. Health Spending by Age, Selected Years through 2004," Health Affairs (Millwood) 27, no. McPherson and others, "A New Definition of Children with Special Health Care Needs" (see note 2); Newacheck, Inkelas, and Kim, "Health Services Use and Health Care Expenditures" (see note 41); P. Perrin, "Children with Special Health Care Needs and Changing Policy," Academic Pediatrics 11, no. Homer, "From My Head and My Heart: Improving Quality of Care for Children and Youth with Special Health Care Needs," Academic Pediatrics 11, no. Coye, "Connections between Quality Measurement and Improvement," Medical Care 41, no.

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As a member of a marine sciences department in which one-third of our faculty are female, I know that things have changed for the better for female oceanographers. In particular, my research focuses on understanding the physical and chemical drivers of phytoplankton variability in the ocean, the Great Lakes, and inland lakes. I spend a lot of time evaluating, developing, and re ning algorithms that lead to novel satellite products and improvement of product performance. I characterize optical variability in the eld necessary for algorithm development and validation e orts. Growing up on the eastern shores of Lake Michigan, I spent as much time as possible near the water, and it is still my favorite place to be. I clearly remember looking through a microscope for the rst time and being astounded by the diversity of plankton in such a small volume of water. Remote sensing provided a nice synergy for combining my curiosity about phytoplankton and the big picture. Balancing career and personal life has been part of the picture from the beginning of graduate school. I have always put family rst and looked for exibility in how I pursue work and what interests me. My husband and I have leapfrogged, moving for his career and then mine many times over, and it does not seem that we have landed permanently yet. I have found the practicality of being primarily computer oriented in my research allows for signi cant exibility in how and when I work. My favorite aspect of being an ocean/aquatic scientist is the exibility to pursue what interests me and to work with colleagues and students who challenge and support me. I also love the opportunity to get out in the eld occasionally, and it always serves as a reminder of why I chose ocean science as a career. My family spent many holidays near the beach, where the Southern and Indian Oceans meet. At the age of about 10, I remember my parents teaching my sister and me how to dive under the large breaking waves that pound that part of the coast for most of the year, and how to swim out past the surf zone to calmer waters. At 17, I was just another teenager staring down graduation, with no idea about what I wanted to do next. During my PhD work, I moved further into biological oceanography, studying ichthyoplankton o the southwestern Australian coast. I worked with physical and chemical oceanographers who introduced me to satellite imagery, planktonic food webs, and the dynamics of the ocean on a regional scale. A er graduation, I knew I wanted to continue this type of multidisciplinary oceanographic research, but opportunities in my hometown were limited. Fortunately, I landed a National Research Council postdoctoral fellowship in Miami, Florida, in 2007, working on larval tuna in the Gulf of Mexico. My current research uses environmental data from satellites and ocean models to predict adult and larval habitats of highly migratory tunas and bill shes in the Atlantic Ocean. We use these habitat models to bene t sheries management and to predict impacts from stressors such as climate change and the 2010 Gulf of Mexico oil spill. As technology advances, and funding for eldwork diminishes, our work is increasingly focused on data mining and modeling, which requires us to constantly learn many new skills throughout our careers. I think that my experience has been very di erent to what it might have been 20 years earlier. My rst research cruise as a graduate student (three weeks in the Southwest Indian Ocean in 2003) was led by two larger-than-life female biological oceanographers (Lynnath Beckley and Anya Waite). I have also been lucky to nd a nonscienti c but endlessly patient husband, who happily tolerates my obsession with things that oat around in the ocean. I investigate how larvae of benthic invertebrates disperse and how dispersal a ects the structure and dynamics of benthic communities. A decade ago when I wrote a bio sketch for Oceanography, I mentioned that one of the most rewarding parts of my career was teaching and advising students: "they are full of surprises, and keep my outlook fresh. With my sons now out of the house, I have more time to devote to research and education. Keeping a research program a oat is a challenge that will require our lab to stay exible and retool for important ecology problems of the future. In 2006, I earned a PhD from the University of Leeds, developing instrumentation to investigate the formation of sea spray aerosols from the ocean surface. Further research has focused more on the upper ocean, processes that control the rate of the formation of sea spray aerosols, thus moving me closer into the world of oceanography.

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Explores how Congress works, including representation of constituents, congressional elections, internal rules, the role of parties, relations with the executive branch, and policymaking. Endowed Chair and Faculty Director, University Honors; 381 Skye Hall (951) 827-5323; honors@ucr. University Honors challenges students to take an active role in shaping their education through a variety of curricular, co-curricular, extra-curricular, and service-learning opportunities. Students benefit from University Honors staff support, in the areas of academic counseling, professional development, and guidance on applying for internships, fellowships, awards, and graduate or professional school. A study room, student lounge, and printing privileges are available to University Honors students. Examines American presidential leadership, the evolving role of the presidency in American culture. Complements the internship experience of students with internships in the arts by connecting their internship experience to a focused research project. Covers theoretical perspectives and methodological approaches used in determining the environmental sustainability of various public policies. Complements the internship experience of students whose internships relate to the environment by connecting their internship experience to a focused research project. Complements the internship experience of students whose internships related to health care by connecting their internship experience to a focused research project. During the first-year, students take required University Honors courses, participate in University Honors programs and events, and receive guidance from University Honors Counselors. First-year courses expose students to innovative teaching methods, interdisciplinary thinking, and increased depth of course content. One goal of University Honors courses is to expose students to methods of conceptualizing issues and framing questions that promote scholarship, engagement, and student success. Investigates the complex policy community-including governmental, non-governmental, and intergovernmental actors-that engages in forging international policy. Complements the internship experience of students whose internships relate to foreign policy by connecting their internship experience to a focused research project. Introduces the Supreme Court of the United States as a legal, political and cultural institution. Complements the internship experience of students whose internship relates to law and the courts by connecting their internship experience to a focused research project. Requires a substantial research paper or project, the result of guided independent work drawing on the unique aspects of Washington, D. During the second-year, students engage in scholarly experiences that will allow them to interact with faculty members and begin considering topics for their eventual capstone projects. Explores the rapidly changing relationship between the news media, political communication and governing. Complements the internship experience of students whose internship relates to the media by connecting their internship experience to a focused research project. Upper-Division Experience the upper-division curriculum provides students with the framework to produce a capstone project, resulting from faculty-mentored, undergraduate research. This structure is adaptable to almost any major and allows each student the flexibility to work with a faculty-mentor to shape a research program to meet the ambitions of the project. We have excellent student-faculty research and leadership opportunities for juniors and seniors participating in University Honors. During the junior year, students narrow their research focus, select a faculty-mentor, and prepare to undertake the capstone project. The capstone project is usually undertaken by the beginning of the senior year and is completed well before graduation. Completion of an approved capstone project, and satisfaction of all other University Honors requirements, will qualify a student for graduation with University Honors distinction, which is noted on the official transcript. Includes opportunity for dialogue, clarification of values and beliefs, and deeper exploration of topics that develop critical thinking and communication. Prerequisite(s): open only to students in the University Honors Program who are freshmen or first-year transfer students. Presentations are multidisciplinary and cover the sciences, humanities, and social sciences. Introduces research and methods at the frontiers of one or more of the Physical Sciences. Topics and instructors vary from year to year and are chosen by the Honors Program Executive Committee in consultation with departments.

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Fortunately, colleges, universities, and research institutions that are well grounded in their local communities can earn a level of trust that allows their staff, faculty, and students to catalyze such meaningful engagement. It is often within the power of active local communities to determine the viability of a given large landscape initiative. They are likely to do so, in part, by ensuring that their own livelihoods and quality of life are sustained alongside measures of ecosystem ser vices, which may be analytically conceived. In his inspired essay, Doug Givens describes how patient engagement with local farmers and community leaders has been key to the success of the Philander Chase Corporation, a land trust affiliated with Kenyon College, which has made great strides in protecting the largely agrarian landscape around Gambier, Ohio. The college, which has been based in the area since the early 1800s, continues to work with its civic partners to maintain a distinctively bucolic quality of life. Taking a further step, motivated by the success of these efforts, leaders at Kenyon are presently moving ahead with plans to help replicate its program by sharing what they have learned about the value of local engagement and land conservation with colleges across the country. Mary Tyrrell and her co-authors articulate in the chapter that follows how the Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies has recently embarked on an ambitious effort to conserve the forested landscape of northeastern Connecticut- dubbed the Quiet Corner-by engaging private landowners in stewardship and conservation actions. At a considerably larger scale, Rob Lilieholm and his associates at the University of Maine have engaged community stakeholders across the 2. Designed to devise on-the-ground solutions to complex sustainability challenges, the computer modeling methodology helps to map out areas of future conflict-by, for example, identifying subwatershed locations where future development may degrade water quality and transgress regulatory thresholds for urban-impaired streams, a problem that would result in significant mitigation and compliance costs for municipalities. Accordingly, in 2014, the Bay-to-Baxter Initiative is being crafted at the University of Maine as a multipronged effort to promote conservation and economic development in the region. To conclude this section, Robin Reid, Dickson Kaelo, David Nkedianye, and their co-authors emphasize that the conservation of wildlife in many large savanna landscapes in Africa depends on simultaneously meeting the needs of large wildlife and local people. Once included in these efforts as an afterthought, local communities are now major stakeholders and should remain at the core of future conservation initiatives. Through their Reto-o-Reto Initiative, the authors have worked with local pastoralists in the Serengeti Mara of southwestern Kenya through new wildlife conservancies that are largely designed by local pastoral leaders in cooperation with their partners. More than a story documenting innovative ways of doing conservation business, the development of Reto-o-Reto is the story of building local institutions and supporting local leaders to work broadly across large landscapes and experiment with new models of conservation that support local livelihoods and wildlife at the same time. From Kenya to Connecticut, the work of building community support for land and biodiversity conservation continues. New technologies and networks are bound to change the scope and scale of community interaction to promote sustainability and land protection in the 21st century. But, as all the essays in this section demonstrate, there are few if any better ways to build community support for large landscape conservation than a face-to-face meeting around a kitchen table or a campfire. The hope is that the colleges, universities, and research institutions will not in some future day forget the significance of breaking bread or sharing barbecue with neighbors. When Episcopal bishop Philander Chase founded the college on a wooded hilltop in 1824, he envisioned a serene rural environment that would promote serious thought and good conduct. For 190 years, the college and those who have found their way to it have valued this setting. Integral to the Kenyon experience, this environment captures the interest of prospective students and their parents. Timeless rhythms in the landscape afford views that please the eye and nourish the spirit in every season, and students and faculty members use the rural acres adjacent to the campus for fieldwork in a variety of disciplines ranging from sociology to biology and chemistry. Long after graduation, students remember the campus, the surrounding fields and forests, and the twists and turns of the Kokosing State Scenic River. Amounting to more than beautiful natural assets, these resources represent the past, present, and future for Kenyon (figure 7. Chase originally purchased 4,000 acres for the college and the village of Gambier, plus an additional 4,000 acres as an investment, for a total of $18,000. Within five years of its founding, however, Kenyon began selling the investment acreage in response to financial difficulties. By the final decade of the 20th century, it was clear that the college could not take its charmed setting for granted. First, the owner of a property on the Kokosing River and directly across from the entrance to Kenyon announced plans to establish a recreational vehicle park. The college purchased the property for a substantial premium and soon thereafter bought an additional 225 acres contiguous to its holdings to quash proposals to establish a business district along the state highway that leads to Gambier. As farm auctions, land sales, and the growth of pell-mell subdivisions and commercial developments accelerated, it became clear that action was required.

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Groups to which we belong are called in-groups, and groups to which we do not belong are called outgroups. Initially, we might think that the members of a group come together because they live near one another. However, geographic proximity is not a necessary or sufficient condition for belonging to the same in-group. For instance, a Catholic and a Protestant may live side by side in a town in Northern Ireland, but they will probably not belong to similar in-groups. Almost every group to which one of them belongs-a school, a church, or a circle of close friends-will be an out-group for the other. More than 9 out of 10 white Britons have no or hardly any ethnic minority friends, according to a poll that reveals the continuing gap between cultural groups more than decades after the United Kingdom became a multicultural society (Dodd, 2004). Alternatively, a Hindu boy from New York and a Muslim child from California may never see each other in person, but they can belong to the same fantasybaseball league: playing against each other on the Internet. When we join a group, we attain a status: a relative social position within a group that can be either formal or informal. One might expect, for example, that in democratic societies individual merit serves as a foundation for social status. Critical thinking will help us to consider three important factors in the relationship between culture and status. First, the social status of every human being in every society can be either achieved and ascribed. Second, even in the most advanced democracies, there is discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, and/or religion (see Chapter 12). Third, by becoming a member of different groups, people may accept more than one social status. For example, one can be an immigrant, a mother, a daughter, a nurse, a soccer coach, and a patient-all at the same time. Having a multitude of social positions inevitably affects the way people reflect their identities, including their cultural identity. We now know that being part of a group involves obtaining a status, which can manifest through norms and social roles. Norms are established by a group and indicate how members of that group should and should not behave. Social roles are sets of behaviors that individuals occupying specific positions within a group are expected to perform. In many Asian and African countries, parents do not allow their children to date before marriage. Mayan children living in Guatemala learn not to give advice to an elder-a local norm of showing respect for adults (Berger, 1995). A group can establish sanctions-certain actions reward those who follow the norms (positive sanctions) and reprove those who are deviant (negative sanctions). These vary from physical punishment to friendly criticism, from material rewards to verbal appreciation. As we saw in Chapter 1, many collectivist cultures (such as Russia, Pakistan, or Mexico) have stronger system sanctions and rewards than most of the individualist cultures. Population density can have an impact on interaction because it determines how many people a person will have direct contact with during a period of time. There are countries and regions in which people live in crowded social environments and there are regions in which large gatherings of people are rare. Compare, for example, rural Canada to Bangladesh, or central Oregon to Paris, and you will find a substantial difference in population density. Territorial behavior includes actions that stake out or identify territory, ownership, or belongings. Anthropologists suggest that territorial behavior is natural for both individuals and social groups (Schubert & Masters, 1991). For example, some fish will defend their territory even without the presence of their natural competitors (Lorenz, 1966). Although rejecting the idea about human instincts, psychologists confirm that territorial behavior is common for most social groups and in various cultural settings. The differences among groups are based on the extent of their territorial behavior. Collectivism and individualism, as fundamental cultural attributes, may significantly influence social interaction in a wide variety of situations.

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She evidently felt betrayed, abandoned, and rejected by her "impetuous, high-strung, sensitive" father. Mary Todd was also angry at Elizabeth Humphreys Todd; according to Elizabeth Todd, her sister "left her home in Kentucky to avoid living under the same roof with a stepmother. Jean Baker suggests that even before the death of her mother, Mary Todd had suffered dislocating shocks, including abrupt weaning at age one, when her mother delivered another baby; the loss of a brother when she was four; and the surrender of her middle name, Ann, when she was five. Edwards and settled in Springfield, where her sisters moved, were introduced to society, and wed. Cain, "The Step-Parent Role: Potential for Disturbances in Family Functioning," American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 36 (1966): 485-91. Edwards informed her granddaughter, Mary Edwards Brown, that her younger sisters (including Mary) "had visited her in Springfield because of their differences with their stepmother but that in her after years she thought their stepmother had done very well by them. Upon seeing the clumsy result, the stepmother ordered Mary and her niece Elizabeth to "take those things off, & then go to Sunday school. Mary burst into tears and gave the first exhibition of temper I had ever seen or known her to make. In the late 1840s, while Lincoln attended Congress, his wife and their two boys, Robert and Eddie, stayed with the Todds in Lexington. Lincoln reported the sequel to her husband: "In the midst of his happiness Ma [Betsey Todd] came in, she you must know dislikes the whole cat race, I thought in a very unfeeling manner, she ordered the servant near, to throw it out, which, of course, was done, Ed ­ screaming & protesting loudly against the proceeding, she never appeared to mind his screams, which were long & loud, I assure you. E[lizabeth] Humphreys Norris to Emilie [Todd Helm], Garden City, Kansas, 28 September 1895, Norris Papers, Lincoln Presidential Library, Springfield. Mary Todd may also have disliked Betsey Humphreys Todd for bearing nine rivals for paternal favor. During the Civil War, all but one of these half-siblings supported the Southern cause. In 1862, the First Lady shocked a confidante by expressing the hope that her brothers in Confederate uniform would be captured or slain. He has been fighting against us; and since he chose to be our deadly enemy, I see no special reason why I should bitterly mourn his death. It also suggests that she required a surrogate father; indeed, she may have married Lincoln 99 Noyes W. Abraham Lincoln: A Vindication," 2­3, manuscript, Small Collection 1052, folder 1, Lincoln Presidential Library, Springfield. This document, dated New York, 1 April 1888, appeared in the New York Tribune, 15 April 1888. Miner (1818-93), pastor of the First Baptist Church of Springfield, lived for a while at Eighth and Jackson Streets, at the same intersection where the Lincolns resided, and later moved to 7th Street between Jackson and Edwards. Temple, Abraham Lincoln: From Skeptic to Prophet (Mahomet, Illinois: Mayhaven, 1995), 53. Elizabeth Keckley, Behind the Scenes; or, Thirty Years a Slave and Four Years in the White House (New York: G. More than a foot taller and nearly ten years older than Mary, he radiated the quality of being old. Browning, who thought her "demented," recalled that she "was a girl of much vivacity in conversation, but was subject to . Brussel, "Mary Todd Lincoln: A Psychiatric Study," Psychiatric Quarterly 15, 16 (1941), 14, and Baker, Mary Todd Lincoln, 330-32. Studies of her mental state have suffered from incomplete awareness of her symptoms and behavior. Suarez, "Mary Todd Lincoln: A Case Study," American Journal of Psychiatry 122 (1966), 816-19; Jennifer Bach, "Was Mary Todd Lincoln Bipolar? Her family devised schemes to shield her and to protect or reimburse the 106 Browning, interview with John G. Inglis, Springfield, 20 February 1897, Small Collection 923, Lincoln Presidential Library, Springfield.

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Moreover, in some countries, physicians themselves- and not pharmacists-have access to medication and distribute it to their patients. Another point of criticism is that the developmental stages are closely linked to values of Western liberalism and individualism based on moral choice. Liberal individualism, however, cannot always represent moral principles that are applicable to all cultures and peoples. Preconventional level: Judgments about what is right and what is wrong are based on fear of punishment. Preconventional level: Moral conduct produces pleasure, whereas immoral conduct results in unwanted consequences. Postconventional level: Moral behavior is based on individual rights and underlying social circumstances. Postconventional level: Moral conduct is regulated by universal ethical principles that may rise above government and laws. For certain religious groups, certain types of moral behavior are strictly prescribed in the Bible, Torah, or other religious scriptures. The test consisted of four stories and each story contained a description of a moral problem. The subjects were asked to make judgments about the possible solutions to the problem. It was found that Chinese tended to emphasize the importance of the stage 3 judgments and considered stage 4 judgments as more similar to stage 5 and 6 judgments. The authors argue that moral judgments of the Chinese person are reinforced by traditional norms and regulated by conformity to primary groups. Chinese see issues, such as concerns for social order, consensus, and abiding by the law, from a collectivist perspective. A strong orientation to perform altruistic acts for the sake of close relatives and friends is part of Chinese culture. According to the authors, Chinese are also influenced by the Confucian concept of the five cardinal relationships, which emphasizes the harmonious connection between sovereign and subject, father and son, husband and wife, brother and brother, and friend and friend. Social order, consensus, and law-abiding behavior are attached to the Chinese collective mentality. On the contrary, Western people are concerned primarily with individual rights and their interests being protected by the law. In the West, people easily sue each other because the law mediates interpersonal relationship. On one hand, it may appear that interpersonal orientation is more humane and appealing than the law-based system. Typically, birth and physical death-as the initial and final points of physical existence-are present in developmental classifications. Beliefs in reincarnation and immortality promote the understanding of the life span as a cycle. Birthdays, initiation rituals, weddings, graduations, job promotions, the birth of children and grandchildren, retirement, and other significant life events mark the most important points of human transition. Several biological, behavioral, and physiological changes are also recognized cross-culturally as indicators of particular life stages. Among these natural events are emergence of permanent teeth, first words, first menstruation and menopause in women, and intensive growth of facial hair in young men. Gray hair is commonly viewed as a sign of maturity despite tremendous individual variations of hair pigmentation. There are also age categorizations based on nonscientific beliefs or particular developments and life events. Infancy From birth to 2 years: the child acquires initial motor, cognitive, and social skills. Childhood From 2 to 11­12 years: the child acquires language and learns about the most important social skills.

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That year, severe stress was most prevalent among victims whose information was used to open a new account or for fraudulent purposes (Harrell 2019). Further, among 172 victims of the Bernie Madoff Ponzi Scheme surveyed through an online convenience study for 8-10 months following the revelation of the scam, the majority of respondents met the criteria for post-traumatic stress disorder (Freshman 2012). Additionally, 61% of respondents reported high levels of anxiety and 58% reported symptoms of depression (Freshman 2012). Practitioners hypothesize about the reasons many victims of identity fraud and other fraud experience emotional responses to a financial crime. As described previously, victims of identity fraud and other fraud may experience revictimization due to their already compromised personally identifying information or the presence of their names on lists of supposedly susceptible targets available on the dark web. The realistic fear of revictimization may leave victims in a heightened emotional state. In the worst-case scenario, this can be very dangerous, especially if information like blood type or allergies is only discovered in an emergency (Dixon 2006; Ponemon Institute 2013). If the victim comes in contact with law enforcement, this can result in a false arrest (Givens 2005; Synovate 2007). Housing Problems Fraud victimization can create problems for victims seeking housing. First, as described above, victims of property-related frauds, such as mortgage refinancing scams, are sometimes tricked out of the deeds of their homes and can end up losing them, and thus losing their housing (Saunders, Pizor, & Twomey 2009). For example, victims of many types of identity fraud can end up being sued for debts that they did not incur themselves (Pierce 2009). Victims of criminal identity theft can face especially consequential legal troubles. On one hand, research shows that one-third to half of identity fraud victims are able to resolve Center for Victim Research: Identity Theft and Fraud Victimization 16 problems stemming from their victimization within one day (Synovate 2007; Harrell 2017, 2019; Langton & Planty 2010). One survey showed that one-third of victims had problems lasting at least a month (Harrell 2017) and two other surveys showed that one to three percent of victims still had problems after six months (Langton & Planty 2010; Harrell 2019). The total amount of time spent resolving these problems is thus uneven among victims; while the median number of hours spent resolving identity fraud problems was four, the top five percent of victims of identity fraud spent more than 130 hours addressing the crime (Synovate 2007). As a result of the time cost to recovery, victims may have to take time away from their other life experiences, hobbies, vacations, and jobs. It is important for service providers to prepare victims of identity fraud in particular that their recovery period may be protracted. In some cases-particularly for victims of "imposter" or romance schemes-victims may become isolated from friends and family in favor of the fraud perpetrator (Deem & Lande 2018). Lastly, victims of fraud can experience a variety of other harms specific to the unique type and circumstances of their victimization. Aggravating Factors of Harms and Consequences As described above, the harms and consequences of identity fraud and other fraud victimization are not evenly spread among all victims. The reasons that certain victims experience more severe consequences are not entirely clear and may include the type of victimization and characteristics of the victims themselves. Research and practice propose several mechanisms that may increase the harms resulting from identity fraud and other fraud victimization. First, research suggests that the harms and consequences associated with fraud are compounded by the length of proceedings and the amount of time burden on the victim (Harrell 2017; Langton & Planty 2010; Ponemon Institute 2013; Synovate 2007). Relatedly, the inability to monitor financial information can lengthen the time to discovery and exacerbate the consequences of identity fraud victimization. As described previously, chronic victims can be repeatedly revictimized by the same perpetrator and may require early intervention to prevent additional victimization (Deem & Lande 2018). As a result, it can be helpful for victim services providers to intervene as early as possible when working with victims of fraud. Most evaluated services focus on prevention and education, though other services include financial recovery assistance, hotlines, and case management. No programs were identified that address the mental health concerns of identity fraud and other fraud victims.

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