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For most women in the United States, however, average calcium intakes are lower and protein intakes are higher, yielding a 9-to-1 ratio, which may produce calcium losses significant enough to compromise bone health. For these people, increasing protein intake may be just what they need to protect their bones. As Highlight 9 explains, weight-loss gimmicks that encourage a high-protein, low-carbohydrate diet may be temporarily effective, but only because they are low-kcalorie diets. Diets that provide adequate protein, moderate fat, and sufficient energy from carbohydrates can better support weight loss and good health. Kidney Disease Excretion of the end products of protein metabolism depends, in part, on an adequate fluid intake and healthy kidneys. A high protein intake increases the work of the kidneys, but does not appear to diminish kidney function or cause kidney disease. Excesses of protein offer no advantage; in fact, overconsumption of protein-rich foods may incur health problems as well. First, food protein is the only source of the essential amino acids, and second, it is the only practical source of nitrogen with which to build the nonessential amino acids and other nitrogen-containing compounds the body needs. In a 2000-kcalorie diet, that represents 200 to 700 kcalories from protein, or 50 to 175 grams. In addition, the committee assumes that the protein is consumed along with sufficient carbohydrate and fat to provide adequate energy and that other nutrients in the diet are adequate. Adequate Energy Note the qualification "adequate energy" in the preceding statement, and consider what happens if energy intake falls short of needs. An intake of 50 grams of protein provides 200 kcalories, which represents 10 percent of the total energy from protein, if the person receives 2000 kcalories a day. The low energy intake forces the body to use the protein to meet energy needs rather than to replace lost body protein. Be careful when judging protein (or carbohydrate or fat) intake as a percentage of energy. A recommendation stated as a percentage of energy intake is useful only if the energy intake is within reason. Protein in Abundance Most people in the United States and Canada receive more protein than they need. That protein intake is high is not surprising considering the abundance of food eaten and the central role meats hold in the North American diet. Besides meat, well-fed people eat many other nutritious foods, many of which also provide protein. If your present weight falls within that range, use it for the following calculations. If your present weight falls outside the range, use the midpoint of the healthy weight range as your reference weight. Grains and vegetables provide small amounts of protein, but they can add up to significant quantities; fruits and fats provide no protein. Six ounces of grains provide about 18 grams of protein; 21/2 cups of vegetables deliver about 10 grams; 3 cups of milk offer 24 grams; and 51/2 ounces of meat supply 38 grams. This totals 90 grams of protein-higher than recommendations for most people and yet still lower than the average intake of people in the United States. If they have an adequate food intake, they have a more-than-adequate protein intake. Even though most people receive plenty of protein, some feel compelled to take supplements as well, as the next section describes. Protein and Amino Acid Supplements Websites, health-food stores, and popular magazine articles advertise a wide variety of protein supplements, and people take these supplements for many different reasons. People take individual amino acids, too-to cure herpes, to make themselves sleep better, to lose weight, and to relieve pain and depression. Protein Powders Because the body builds muscle protein from amino acids, many athletes take protein powders with the false hope of stimulating muscle growth. Muscle work builds muscle; protein supplements do not, and athletes do not need them. Whey protein appears to be particularly popular among athletes hoping to achieve greater muscle gains. A waste product of cheese manufacturing, whey protein is a common ingredient in many low-cost protein powders. When combined with strength training, whey supplements may increase protein synthesis slightly, but they do not seem to enhance athletic performance.

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It may be proper to remark that the court are unanimously of opinion, that no reporter has or can have any copyright in the written opinions delivered by this court; and that the judges thereof cannot confer on any reporter any such right. It is unlike executive and legislative branches, which need popular support to stay in office, and which must therefore engage the public and its insatiable appetite for information. Within the last century, the "political branches" have made themselves more and more available with every advance in technology. President Franklin Roosevelt introduced himself to Americans over the radio in his first "Fireside Chat" in 1933. Less than 15 years later, President Truman delivered the first televised presidential speech, with the first televised debate between presidential candidates (Kennedy and Nixon) broadcast in 1960. Now it seems there truly is no detail about the President or the Congress that is too private to share, capture, tweet, retweet, and "like. Though it is vested with the awesome power to void laws passed by the elected branches of the government, it conducts most of its business outside of the public eye. In the words of the Great Chief Justice John Marshall, "It is emphatically the province and duty of the Judicial Department to say what the law is. Yet the Court chooses the cases it will hear and votes on their outcomes in private conferences atten- ded only by the Justices. With few exceptions, the written opinions also arrive as final products, to which no further revision is anticipated or ever eventuates. Along the way, the manual includes a wealth of notes and explanations documenting the progression of our court system or explaining historical matters related to a legal sources. But despite the valuable information it contains, the manual has been secret until now. The Court does have a style manual, and it tells precisely how the Court would cite almost any document one might wish to cite. Its style manual not only provides invaluable information about how those decisions are prepared, it is a treasure trove for those who prepare any kind of legal document. They are natural exemplars for judges of other courts and for lawyers who seek to improve by emulating the very best the legal profession has to offer. With this volume, it is now possible to lift a small corner of the curtain, so those on the outside can better emulate those within. Size and binding: As used by the staff of the Supreme Court, the manual is printed on letter-sized paper and collected in a three-ring binder with printed tabs for each chapter. I have otherwise attempted to replicate the look and feel of the manual as closely as possible with regard to typography and formatting. For example, as in the original, the Roman numeral headings in the table of contents are set in all caps, bold Helvetica, followed by centered subheads in small caps in a serif font. However, the difference in the page size required some sacrifices, particularly in the reproduction of tables. Reports, this manual contains some peculiar spacing conventions, which generally are not mentioned in the manual itself: First, the manual uses an em space between sentences; that is, a space that is the width of a capital M. See also 1 Through painstaking research, the editor has concluded that this is how the Court has done it for a very long time. To insert such a space in Microsoft Word, either type 2009 and then press Alt-X, or hold down the Alt key and type 8201 on the numeric keypad. It does not explain, however, what sort of dash to use when one wishes to cite a source that has not yet been assigned a page number in the reporter where it is to be published. Many practitioners use two underscores ( ) to indicate such a blank, but the manual (and the Court) uses dashes. Through careful measurement, the editor estimates that the manual employs a dash that is the length of one "em" dash plus one "en" dash (-­). Since one needs both the volume number and a page number to look a case up, in practice this means that the reader must scan back through the text to find the earlier reference, which often is not even the next-most-recent. The manual is not shy about its preferences, and it clearly states that "that this Style Manual frequently deviates from Bluebook style. The prohibition of "splitting" a citation between text and a footnote is understandable as an application of the §1. But why avoid the convenience of introducing a case by name in a sentence with the citation immediately following the sentence? Short citation forms have one comma more than Bluebook users might expect, appearing before the "at": Terry v. A few edits: As one might expect, the manual had few errors that needed correction.

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Paranormal claims would not sell, the argument goes, if they did not tap some pre-existing belief, or will to believe, in the general population. Belief, or the desire to believe, creates a market for the coverage of the paranormal, and this coverage in turn creates or reinforces belief. Most important, it suggests a greater reality which we have yet to fully understand. This can be an extremely seductive "transcendental temptation" 27 because it opens up several inviting possibilities, such as the potential for some part of us to survive death. Parapsychology validated the existence of basic phenomena that could partially account for, and fit in with, some of the spiritual views of the universe. Most of us are prepared to believe such a doctrine if only the evidence could make it seem plausible. Perhaps we can more accurately predict the future through precognition, more efficiently communicate with others through telepathy, and more effectively control our physical health through something akin to psychokinesis. Perhaps many of the things we accomplish already through hard work and the application of our intelligence can be achieved more effortlessly through these special powers. It is worth noting that those who want psychic phenomena and parapsychological research to be more widely accepted in the general public often play upon this desire by emphasizing that psi is an undeveloped potential in everyone. For example, Targ and Puthoff say of their remote viewing research that: our laboratory experiments suggest that anyone who feels comfortable with the idea of having paranormal ability can have it. In our experiments, we have never found anyone who could not learn to perceive scenes, including buildings, roads, and people, even those at great distances and blocked from ordinary perception. So far, we cannot identify a single individual who has not suceeded in a remote viewing task to his own satisfaction. More important, there are many things we would like to believe, but reality gets in the way. As we saw in chapter 5, people do not willynilly believe what they want to believe. The wish may be father to the belief, but like all fathers it requires a mate-some supporting evidence in this case. Forty-one percent of the believers in a sample of Canadian undergraduates cited personal experience, or that of their friends and relatives, as the most important determinant of their belief, 30 as did 51% of the believers in a sample of readers of the British journal New Scientist. What type of personal experience do people have in mind, and how is it construed, or misconstrued, as evidence of psi? Given the widespread use of various randomizing devices in many gambling and board games, I am convinced that one of the most common (and for many people the earliest) apparent experiences of psi involves attempts to influence such random processes. Is there any reason to expect that they will be construed not as the occasional hits one can expect by chance, but as the product of paranormal powers? First of all, because psychic powers and the ability to harness them are considered so mysterious, the door is open to selective encoding of success and failure. As we saw in Chapter 2, people have a difficult time accepting the randomness of such streaks. They may thus walk away from the experience of these runs convinced that they have witnessed the operation of some special power. Another phenomenon which tempts many people to speculate about a transcendent force is the experience of a remarkable coincidence. Two friends who have not seen each other in years sit in adjacent seats in a theatre in a foreign town. A man dials a wrong number in a distant city, and the recipient turns out to be his college roommate. A woman is thinking about an event she has not thought of in years and intends to discuss it with her spouse; miraculously, he brings it up first. These events seem so improbable, and often produce such powerful emotion, that they strike many people as more than just coincidence. When asked to consider the probability that at least two people in a group of a particular size were born on the same day of the year, most people are shocked to learn that the odds are roughly 50-50 when the group is as small as 23. More shocking still is that the probability of a matching birthday is 85% when the group size is only 35.

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Thus, many people will be surprised by an outcome (a pair of matching birthdays) that is not unusual at all. This may be what Aristotle had in mind when he said that "the improbable is extremely probable. A telling example is provided by physicist and Nobel laureate Luis Alvarez, who was struck by a remarkable coincidence in his own life. After reading a brief passage in a newspaper, Alvarez began a series of associations that led him to think of a long-forgotten acquaintance from his college years. Turning the pages of the paper, he was amazed to see an obituary of that very same individual! Or might his recollection of this long-forgotten acquaintance been produced by a precognitive awareness of the obituary itself? Believing such paranormal explanations implausible, Alvarez proceeded to compute an approximate probability of such a coincidence by estimating the number of people the average person knows and how often the average person has such recollections. Thus, with the population of the United States as it is, we can expect there to be over 3,000 of these events every year, or almost 10 every day. Our misguided intuitions about the true likelihood of such events appear to stem from two sources-a failure to appreciate how often we "sample" from the population of all events, and a reluctance to consider how many different events we would consider to be coincidental. Given the vastness of our experience (how many thoughts we have, how many people we come in contact with, etc. Perhaps the key to this shortcoming of human intuition is that, unlike coin flipping, the repeated sampling is not obvious because it is not the same distribution being repeatedly sampled. By meeting a person here, thinking of someone there, receiving a phone call somewhere else, we are sampling from different distributions, and it is this difference that masks the repetitive element of the sampling process. Furthermore, people may be reluctant to think of their own experience, with all its attendant emotions, as a sample from a population of all possible experiences. Our intuitions about coincidental events also suffer from the problem of "multiple endpoints" discussed in Chapter 4. While the odds of a particular coincidence may indeed be vanishingly low, the odds of any of a set of equally remarkable coincidences is generally much higher. Suppose an amateur thespian takes in the theatre while visiting London and runs into his high school drama teacher. Or what if the encounter had taken place, not in the theatre, but at the opera house, a museum, or even a pub? By pulling back a bit like this, we quickly see that although the probability of any one coincidence is indeed quite low, the probability of the union of all such coincidental events can be quite high. Our sense of astonishment when confronted by coincidence can thus be traced to our intuitive tendency to assess the likelihood of the intersection of the specific events that did occur, rather than the union of all similar outcomes that might have occurred. Many people approach the problem with a fairly accurate sense of the long odds against a particular pair of people having the same birthdate (approximately 1/365), but they fail to appreciate how many different pairs of people there are (253) in a group of 23. Finally, people may be inclined to see some sort of guiding hand behind many coincidental events because of the powerful emotions these experiences often produce. Premonitions tend to elicit paranormal explanations as much or more as a startling coincidence. Someone dreams about a plane crash and then hears about precisely that event on the evening news. Someone reminisces about an old acquaintance, and the acquaintance suddenly walks in the room. Premonitions strike people as compelling for the same reason that underlies the impact of coincidence-they seem too improbable to occur by chance. But given how often an active mind thinks of people, places, and events, the briefest reflection informs us that a person is almost certain to experience quite a few premonitions in a full lifetime. Death, for example, is a very frequent topic of dreams, and so it is hardly surprising if one such dream should happen to correspond to a real-world fatality. Premonitions are also precisely the kind of "one-sided" events (chapter 4) for which the successes stand out and the failures go unrecognized. People daydream about long-lost friends all the time, but little of the specific content of such reveries can generally be recalled-unless they should happen to be followed by an unexpected visit by that very same person. Against this background of selective recall, any one premonition looms as a much more impressive event than it really is.

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Identify places where students seemed puzzled or asked questions, note how well the activities you planned worked out, and comment on your use of time. Holding Office Hours Academic Advising and Mentoring Undergraduates Guiding, Training, and Supervising Graduate Student Instructors Holding Office Hours 44 Office hours are an important adjunct to college-level courses, allowing you and your students the chance to go over material that could not be addressed during class, to review exams or papers in more detail, to discuss questions at greater length, or to explore future courses or careers (see "Academic Advising and Mentoring Undergraduates"). Office hours also give you and your students a chance to get to know one another, and students are often motivated to work harder for teachers they have come to know (Marincovich and Rusk, 1987). Finally, office hours provide you with an opportunity to gauge how the course is going and how well students are understanding the material. If several students ask you the same question during office hours, you know it is a point you need to cover in class. If your department has no set policy, begin by holding two to four office hours a week. In addition, remember to stagger your office hours with your graduate student instructor, if you have one, to provide maximum coverage. The course syllabus should include your office room number, office telephone number, electronic mailing address, fax number, and office hours. If your office is hard to find, draw a map on the board or in the syllabus (Marincovich and Rusk, 1987). Mention your office hours on the first day of class and at particularly important times during the semester (that is, before major exams or deadlines for papers). Let students know that they can come to talk to you informally, to ask questions about the material or assignments, to review graded work, to get suggestions for further reading, or to discuss other topics related to the course or to your field. Encourage students who are having trouble with their course work to come in to review their status and receive, as needed, referrals to campus tutoring resources. Students get upset with instructors who are not present for the full period of their posted office hours, and these feelings can impair the i r motivation to do the course work. In most cases it is best to express your concern, convey a sense of caring, but remind students that you are not a counselor and refer them to campus counseling services. Encouraging Students to Attend Office Hours Be friendly and accessible and stay after class. Students may be intimidated by the thought of speaking directly and privately to their instructors or may feel they do not need attention. Invite students to visit you during office hours and repeat the invitation several times during the term. If your class is not too large, schedule each student in the class for a ten- to twenty-minute appointment during the early weeks of the course. Use these appointments to find out more about your students (their reasons for taking the course, problems they anticipate or are having), to consult with students before they begin projects or essays, or to discuss recent quizzes or exams. Once students have come to your office, they will be more comfortable seeking you out in the future. For students who add your course after the first week, schedule a group office hour to go over requirements, expectations, and course operations. You might also ask particularly shy students to see you: seeing you in your office may put them at ease and make them more willing to speak during class. For example, ask students to make a brief oral presentation or bring an outline of their paper for review. Some instructors find that posting answers inside the door is an effective means of attracting students during office hours. Place a signup sheet on your office door, dividing your office hours into fifteen- or twenty-minute blocks. If a student misses an appointment, call to find out what happened or ask the student in class. Let students know that if they schedule appointments, you expect them to appear or to advise you of any change. Students who come in asking you to explain Chapter 9 need to do more preparation on their own. Ask them to come back as soon as they have figured out what points are stumping them.

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Students in this Multicultural Education course watched me deal with various stages of grief. In part, I was still adjusting to my life as a new assistant professor with a 3/3 course load. But, I also spent most of my days crying hysterically in my office often while preparing for my Multicultural Education course. Many of the key course terms were triggering; words like injustice, hidden curriculum, and meritocracy were not obsolete but rather were still part of public discourse in the 21st century. The students saw my internal struggle: I failed to separate my personal and private lives inside the classroom. But my students purchased cards, sent their condolences via email, and asked how they could support me in my grieving period. For the first time in my professional career, I depended on my students and teaching became my lifeline. I contend that academics in interdisciplinary fields can redefine their teaching philosophies based on their response to injustice. My identity as a college professor at a liberal arts college constantly evolved after my cousins death. Through unexpected grieving, and close engagement with core course materials in my pilot Multicultural Education course, I learned how to lean on my students during my undetermined grieving periods, learned the value of transparency in the classroom and how to truly be vulnerable with my students. Through critical reflection, flashbacks, and discussion of course teaching materials in my Multicultural Education course, I discuss how my cousins death radically transformed my pedagogical delivery and teaching strategies inside this particular course. While critical pedagogues like bell hooks and Paulo Freire undoubtedly informed my teaching experiences, my reflections are also informed by interdisciplinary scholarship in American Studies, Black Studies, and the voices of social justice educators. In the succeeding sections, I identify the two stages of my teaching transformation over the Spring 2016 semester. Each theme describes how my teaching identity shifted from late February to early May. In other words, these themes describe both my stages of grief and how the grieving process impacted my identity as a college professor. Stage #1: Confronting my Imposter Syndrome After Aris sudden death, my imposter perspective was heightened inside the classroom. As I entered the class on February 22nd, one day after I learned the news, I stumbled on my words and internally debated whether I should tell my students about my loss. Since Multicultural Education was a new course offering in the Community & Justice Studies program (and a new elective in Education Studies), I was overly self-conscious and hesitant to take risks in this course. My attitudes about teaching were in direct response to the race, gender, and disciplines the students represented in the course. At the time, I was a 29-year-old Black professor in the midst of a predominately white, mixed gender classroom. Overall, I never wanted these students to believe that this course was less rigorous when I included my personal narratives as part of classroom discourse. I worried that I would be viewed as the Black professor who only discussed "Black" topics in popular culture and in American public schools. As I fought back tears and a deep lump in my throat, I told my students, "If I am not my usual bubbling self today, it is because I just learned that my favorite cousin died in police custody a few days ago. We held so many open conversations about injustice inside the classroom but in the face of this, their teacher had no scholarly recommendations and no lofty academic jargon to support this reality. Some relatives ostracized me because I was raised in a nuclear family, attended prestigious schools with local and national reputations, and proudly displayed a diverse musical palate. I also did not find a home within the confines of my formal educational institutions. My long-term aspirations to attain a terminal degree and be a college professor did not match my grade point average. And as the product of a working class family, I knew nothing about the unwritten rules of the academy as both an undergraduate and graduate student. I was stuck between two worlds: I was not part of my extended family network and I was not privy to the inner workings of the academic environment. I certainly felt like an imposter who found it "hard to believe that they deserve any credit for what they may have achieved and, whatever their outward appearances, remain internally convinced that they are frauds" (Pedler, 2011, p. My first-hand experience with imposter syndrome was evident in my interactions with family members and my assumed positionality in various educational institutions.

Syndromes

  • Mothers who smoke or use illegal drugs
  • Chest x-ray
  • Adults: not measured
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To ease calculations, energy is expressed in 1000-calorie metric units known as kilocalories (shortened to kcalories, but commonly called "calories"). When you read in popular books or magazines that an apple provides "100 calories," it actually means 100 kcalories. This book uses the term kcalorie and its abbreviation kcal throughout, as do other scientific books and journals. Food energy is measured in kilocalories (1000 calories equal 1 kilocalorie), abbreviated kcalories or kcal. One kcalorie is the amount of heat necessary to raise the temperature of 1 kilogram (kg) of water 1°C. The scientific use of the term kcalorie is the same as the popular use of the term calorie. Carbon Inorganic nutrients Minerals Water Hydrogen Oxygen Nitrogen Minerals Organic nutrients Carbohydrates Lipids (fats) Proteinsa Vitaminsb a Some proteins also contain the mineral sulfur. For ease in using these measures, it helps to remember that the prefixes on the grams imply 1000. For example, a kilogram is 1000 grams, a milligram is 1/1000 of a gram, and a microgram is 1/1000 of a milligram. Most food labels and many recipe books provide "dual measures," listing both household measures, such as cups, quarts, and teaspoons, and metric measures, such as milliliters, liters, and grams. Through such experiences, a person can become familiar with a measure without having to do any conversions. A joule is the amount of energy expended when 1 kilogram is moved 1 meter by a force of 1 newton. The joule is thus a measure of work energy, whereas the kcalorie is a measure of heat energy. While many scientists and journals report their findings in kilojoules (kJ), many others, particularly those in the United States, use kcalories (kcal). A 5-pound bag of potatoes weighs about 2 kilograms, and a 176-pound person weighs 80 kilograms. Foods with a high energy density help with weight gain, whereas those with a low energy density help with weight loss. Energy from Foods the amount of energy a food provides depends on how much carbohydrate, fat, and protein it contains. When completely broken down in the body, a gram of carbohydrate yields about 4 kcalories of energy; a gram of protein also yields 4 kcalories; and a gram of fat yields 9 kcalories (see Table 1-2). Alcohol is not considered a nutrient because it interferes with the growth, maintenance, and repair of the body, but it does yield energy (7 kcalories per gram) when metabolized in the body. Both of these breakfast options provide 500 kcalories, but the cereal with milk, fruit salad, scrambled egg, turkey sausage, and toast with jam offers three times as much food as the doughnuts (based on weight); it has a lower energy density than the doughnuts. Most foods contain all three energy-yielding nutrients, as well as water, vitamins, minerals, and other substances. Bread contains water, a trace of fat, a little protein, and some vitamins and minerals in addition to its carbohydrate. Only a few foods are exceptions to this rule, the common ones being sugar (pure carbohydrate) and oil (essentially pure fat). Energy in the Body the body uses the energy-yielding nutrients to fuel all its activities. For example, 1 slice of bread with 1 tablespoon of peanut butter on it contains 16 grams carbohydrate, 7 grams protein, and 9 grams fat: 16 g carbohydrate 7 g protein 9 g fat 4 kcal/g 4 kcal/g 9 kcal/g Total 64 kcal 28 kcal 81 kcal 173 kcal 81 fat kcal 173 total kcal (rounded to 0. Knowing that this snack provides 47 percent of its kcalories from fat alerts a person to the need to make lower-fat selections at other times that day. Some of this energy is released as heat, but some is used to send electrical impulses through the brain and nerves, to synthesize body compounds, and to move muscles. Thus the energy from food supports every activity from quiet thought to vigorous sports. If the body does not use these nutrients to fuel its current activities, it rearranges them into storage compounds (such as body fat), to be used between meals and overnight when fresh energy supplies run low. If more energy is consumed than expended, the result is an increase in energy stores and weight gain.

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Indicate that a means "one" by holding up one finger and making sure that there is only one book. Then indicate that you want repetition, always in this sequence, by the entire class, by smaller groups, and by individuals. Many if not all of the early lessons for beginners should begin with repetition drills. Remember that students should hear the new item a number of times before they say it and that groups should respond before individuals. Open-Ended Chain Drills these drills are done individually and each student repeats all the responses prior to his own, then adds his own piece of information. Since students tend to regard them as games, chain drills work well for extra practice on complicated patterns when verbatim repetition might be rejected. Using a supermarket circular which students have had an opportunity to examine and talk about, do the following chain drill. Each student in turn indicates what he/she will purchase and adds to it everything that has been purchased already. Open-ended chain drills require students to listen to each other, and attention is diverted from the fact that they are drilling. After there has been sufficient repetition of the words, phrases, and sentences to be practiced, proceed with a substitution drill. Substitution Drills In its simplest form, this kind of drill consists of the replacement of one element in a sentence with an element that is in the same grammatical class so that the students have practice in forming new sentences of the same type as the one given in the model. Start with sentences about objects in the room, pictures, or use action words that can be demonstrated. These vocabulary items should have been used during the Total Physical Response experiences with students so that they already can identify them. This drill is used so that students can get intensive practice with a single grammatical structure. As a new word is substituted in a sentence, there is a tendency to overemphasize that word, and students will do the same thing. You might even 65 stress the word running if you had been talking about a disability. Therefore, generally, as you substitute words in a structure, be careful to talk with natural stress and intonation. Simple Substitution Drill this drill is called "simple" because the same slot is substituted. Then show them how it can be used again and again by simply substituting just one word. After students get the idea of substituting something, then give only the word to be substituted. Notice that there are no changes in any wording except the substituted prepositional phrase. Substitution Drill ­ Complex, Moving Slot this substitution drill is much more difficult and called a complex drill when the word or words supplied have to go to different slots in the sentence. Students have to think about the meaning of the word and know whether the word fits a subject slot or a verb slot. This drill is very useful for extended practice on verb tenses, or virtually any pattern on which students need extra practice, since the drills are usually regarded as games. Students must be very alert because they will never know where the next substitution will be. Substitution Drill ­ Multiple-slot the substitution drill can be even more challenging by requiring students to fill more than one slot. These drills are excellent for practicing comparisons and can be used as problem-solving activities even for quite advanced students, especially if the order of the cues is different from that expected in the response. Correlative Substitution Drills In these drills the substitution triggers a challenge in the pattern that correlates with the substitution. The simple correlative drills are single slot substitutions which require students to make an adjustment in another part of the pattern in order to respond correctly.

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Those who have something to sell, those who wish to influence public opinion, those in power, a skeptic might suggest, have a vested interest in discouraging skepticism. When they are involved, require corroborative evidence in exact proportion to the contravention of probability by the thing testified. After misapprehended natural events and hoaxes and psychological aberrations are removed from the data set, is there any residue of very credible but extremely bizarre cases, especially ones supported by physical evidence? There are reliably reported cases that are unexotic, and exotic cases that are unreliable. Sometimes momentous revelations are promised if only I will call the letter writer. A common explanation on why there would be a cover-up is to prevent worldwide panic or erosion of confidence in the government. We found the on-going effort to be lackadaisical and dismissive In the middle 1960s, "Project Bluebook" was headquartered at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base in Ohio -where "Foreign Technical Intelligence" (chiefly, understanding what new weapons the Soviets had) was also based. No Can you explain to us, Colonel, how strategic bombers can be described as "hovering"? In the 1950s balloons were being extensively used by the Air Force -not just as weather measurement platforms, as prominently advertised, and radar reflectors, as acknowledged, but also, secretly, as robotic espionage craft, with high-resolution cameras and signal intelligence devices. While the balloons themselves were not very secret, the reconnaissance packages they carried were High-altitude balloons can seem saucer-shaped when seen from the ground If you misestimate how far away they are, you can easily imagine them going absurdly fast. While "all" is going too far, their role has, I think, been insufficiently appreciated. Balloon overflights were then replaced by high-altitude aircraft, such as the U-2, which in turn were largely replaced by reconnaissance satellites. A great to-do has been made of one or more alleged crashed flying saucers near Roswell, New Mexico, in 1947. Some initial reports and newspaper photographs of the incident are entirely consistent with the idea that the debris was a crashed high-altitude balloon. In an October 11, 1948 summary response, explicitly including information in the possession of the Air Materiel Command, we find the Director of Intelligence being told that nobody else in the Air Force had a clue either. The Air Force investigators, rummaging comprehensively through the secret files of 1947, round no evidence of heightened message traffic There were no indications and warnings, notice of alerts, or a higher tempo of operational activity reported that would be logically generated if an alien craft, whose intentions were unknown, entered U. The records indicate that none of this happened (or if it did, it was controlled by a security system so efficient and tight that no one, U. The radar targets carried by the balloons were partly manufactured by novelty and toy companies in New York, whose inventory of decorative icons seems to have been remembered many years later as alien hieroglyphics. Certain materials, nosecone geometries, and angles of entry are better than others. Observations of re-entry (or the more spectacular launches) could very well reveal U. Inevitably there must have been cases in which military personnel were told not to talk about what they had seen, or where seemingly innocuous sightings were suddenly classified top secret with severely constrained need-to-know criteria. In the strategic confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union, the adequacy of air defenses was a vital issue. If you could find a weakness, it might be the key to "victory" in an all-out nuclear war. But there was a soft underbelly-no significant early warning system to detect the geographically much more tax- ing southern approach. The Air Force and civilian aviation authorities truthfully state that none of their aircraft was responsible. Here again, we have every reason to expect a high-level technical investigating team, Air Force and civilian observers told to keep their mouths shut, and not just the appearance but the reality of suppression of the data. Even decades later, there are bureaucratic reasons for the Department of Defense to be close-mouthed about such embarrassments. The Cold War is over, the missile and balloon technology is largely obsolete or widely available, and those who would be embarrassed are no longer on active duty. Another instructive intersection of the conspiracy temperament and the secrecy culture concerns the National Security Agency. This organization monitors the telephone, radio, and other communications of both friends and adversaries of the United States.

References:

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